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Divided We Stand

Divided We Stand
New book about the 2020 election.

Sunday, July 25, 2010

The Best and the Brightest 2.0

The insiderism/outsiderism theme, the subject of a previous post, continues to cast light on contemporary politics. Neal Gabler points out that the president is part of a a new establishment:

So it is really no surprise that he has packed his administration with what one might call The Best and the Brightest 2.0 — people who are as dispassionate and rational and suspicious of emotion as the president prides himself as being: a bunch of cool, unflappable customers. (The exceptions are Vice President Joe Biden and chief of staff Rahm Emanuel.) Like The Best and the Brightest 1.0, these folks — guys like Larry Summers, outgoing budget director Peter Orszag, and Tim Geithner, on the economic side; and William J. Lynn 3d, deputy secretary of defense, and James Steinberg, deputy secretary of state, on the foreign side — are Ivy-educated, confident, and implacable realists and rationalists. Like their forebears, they have all the answers, which is why they have been so unaccommodating of other suggestions on the economy, where economists have been pressing them for more stimulus, or on Afghanistan, where the president keeps doubling down his bets.

The difference between 1.0 and 2.0 is that 2.0 are not all Protestant, white males sprung full-blown from the Establishment as 1.0’s fathers and their fathers’ fathers were. Like Obama himself, they are by and large onetime middle-class overachievers who made their way into the Ivy League and then catapulted to the top levels of class and power by being . . . well, the best and the brightest. But in elitism as in religion, no one is more devout than a convert, and these people, again like Obama, all having been blessed by the Ivy League, also embrace Ivy League arrogance and condescension. On this, the Republican critics are right: The administration exudes a sense of superiority.
In their own way, the Best and the Brightest 2.0 are just as parochial as their predecessors. Just as the 1960s version thought that game theory could end the Vietnam War, the new version thinks that cultural sensitivity will sever the roots of Islamic fascism. And in domestic politics, many of them just do not "get" the kind of people who show up at tea party rallies.